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<title>Conflictos Internacionales</title>
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<description>Publicaciones relacionadas con Conflictos Internacionales</description>
<pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2026 19:04:34 GMT</pubDate>
<dc:date>2026-05-22T19:04:34Z</dc:date>
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<title>EL CONFLICTO DE GAZA TRAS LOS ATAQUES DE HAMÁS DEL 7 DE OCTUBRE</title>
<link>http://dspace.infodocu.lbd.org.es/xmlui/handle/123456789/1681</link>
<description>EL CONFLICTO DE GAZA TRAS LOS ATAQUES DE HAMÁS DEL 7 DE OCTUBRE
Bermejo García, Romualdo
Los ataques de Hamás en Israel dejaron un reguero de atrocidades que&#13;
poco a poco se han ido conociendo, pues no solo mataron sin piedad a los&#13;
soldados que por una razón o por otra defendieron los Kibbutzs, las aldeas&#13;
y otras zonas de poblaciones no solo ya cercanas a la frontera, sino que lograron introducirse más al interior cometiendo amputaciones y violaciones,&#13;
etc., llevándose a Gaza unos 240 rehenes. Los que ya han sido liberados han&#13;
declarado que muchos los mataban de hambre y los drogaron, manteniéndolos en túneles húmedos o áticos oscuros, siendo muchos de ellos apaleados y&#13;
golpeados por sus captores o incluso por grupos de palestinos furiosos, quemando a otros las piernas con los tubos de escape de las motos en las que los&#13;
transportaban para que pudieran ser identificados en el caso de que pudieran&#13;
huir. Durante los casi cincuenta días que ha durado el secuestro de estos que&#13;
ya han sido liberados, los rehenes han declarado que los amenazaban con&#13;
rifles, dejándolos en una soledad aterradora, sobre todo a los niños.
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<pubDate>Mon, 01 Jan 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2024-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>Prospects of CSTO and SCO in Regional Politics of Central Asia</title>
<link>http://dspace.infodocu.lbd.org.es/xmlui/handle/123456789/1680</link>
<description>Prospects of CSTO and SCO in Regional Politics of Central Asia
Rauf, Sarwat; Saud, Adam
This paper examines the coordination between the two organizations in Central Asia viz. the Collective&#13;
Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It identifies&#13;
the priorities of the members of the CSTO and SCO and their likely actions towards each other. Both&#13;
organizations are headed by non-Western powers and they claim to be security providers in Central&#13;
Asian region. However, the security puzzle is still unresolved and this pertinent problem invokes&#13;
scholars to research the issue. There is growing skepticism that Russia has leaned toward hedging of&#13;
China in Central Asia and some scholars have projected a clash between great powers in Central Asia.&#13;
In this background, this paper seeks to study the actions and policies of Russia and China concerning&#13;
regional integration and security bequests. It offers the account of security threats in Central Asia and&#13;
the functioning of SCO and CSTO to cope up challenges. The focus is on the efforts of SCO and CSTO&#13;
to conjure up local leaders of CARs to take collective problem-solving actions and their responses.&#13;
Overall, an analysis of the functioning of CSTO and SCO and member states’ efforts over countering&#13;
terrorism, coordination and intelligence sharing has been presented
</description>
<pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2020 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2020-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>Protective Integration and Security Policy Coordination: Comparing the SCO and CSTO</title>
<link>http://dspace.infodocu.lbd.org.es/xmlui/handle/123456789/1678</link>
<description>Protective Integration and Security Policy Coordination: Comparing the SCO and CSTO
Allison, Roy
This article contributes to research on non-Western regionalism by examining the&#13;
function of security policy coordination in two macro-regional organisations in&#13;
Eurasia, which include the primary non-Western powers: the Shanghai Cooperation&#13;
Organisation (SCO)—with China and Russia—and the Collective Security Treaty&#13;
Organisation (CSTO)—with Russia. The SCO has wider formal functions, and the&#13;
CSTO is more hierarchical in practice, but both claim to be regional security providers with a focus on Central Asia. It is puzzling that Member States stress the importance of these organisations, that there have been regular meetings for over&#13;
15 years, yet their functionality is low judging by their ability to implement various&#13;
ambitious projects. This article offers the explanation for this in the focus of SCO&#13;
and CSTO Member State leaders on the interaction between domestic political, and&#13;
regional security priorities. As a result, these bodies express the phenomenon of&#13;
‘protective integration’. It is a phenomenon that does not offer substantive regional&#13;
integration or emphasise collective-action problem solving. It is intended to be sovereignty enhancing and to bolster regime security, stability, and legitimacy. It fosters&#13;
a culture of interaction, normative bonding, and collective political solidarity. This is&#13;
confirmed in empirical analysis of SCO and CSTO discourse and agreements over&#13;
counter-terrorism, information security, and foreign policy coordination. However,&#13;
the bonds of protective integration have weakened as separatism has become a divisive issue since 2014 over Russian action in Ukraine. Moreover, organisational enlargement of the SCO further threatens its cohesion, while it is being displaced by&#13;
the belt and road initiative in the wider context of Chinese foreign and economic policy priorities. Neither the SCO nor the CSTO are likely to be dissolved, but their purposes are likely to become more diffuse.
</description>
<pubDate>Mon, 01 Jan 2018 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>The CSTO: Military Dimensions of the Russian Reintegration Effort</title>
<link>http://dspace.infodocu.lbd.org.es/xmlui/handle/123456789/1676</link>
<description>The CSTO: Military Dimensions of the Russian Reintegration Effort
Baev, Pavel
Time has shown that while economic matters engender most of the declarative&#13;
commitments to closer cooperation between post-Soviet regimes, it is security&#13;
matters that constitute the most sensitive part of the socializing networks that&#13;
link them together. Russia consistently seeks to exploit the concerns of the quasi-democratic and more or less “enlightened” authoritarian regimes in the postSoviet space, which worry about domestic challenges to their grasp on power&#13;
(and the external support for such challenges), in order to establish itself as a&#13;
leading provider of security. Indeed, Moscow has an undeniable advantage regarding the amount of deployable “hard power,” and has on many occasions&#13;
demonstrated determination and skill in using military force as an ultimate instrument of politics. It is therefore remarkable how little success Russia has&#13;
achieved in building reliable structures that could legitimize and substantiate its&#13;
role as a major security provider in the post-Soviet space.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 2000 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2000-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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